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    Sun, 23 Nov 2008 HOW DRUG BARONS WON ROYAL PARDON IN JAIL CON PDF Print E-mail
    Written by Administrator   
    Sunday, 23 November 2008 18:34
    Pubdate: Sun, 23 Nov 2008
    Source: Observer, The (UK)
    Copyright: 2008 Guardian News and Media Limited
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    Website: http://www.observer.co.uk/
    Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/315
    Authors: Graham Johnson and Mark Townsend, The Observer
    HOW DRUG BARONS WON ROYAL PARDON IN JAIL CON

    Gang bosses John Haase and Paul Bennett posed as supergrasses in an
    audacious scheme that saw them released from prison less than one year
    into their 18-year sentences. Graham Johnson and Mark Townsend reveal
    how these two Liverpool master criminals duped the justice system

    They were the brains behind one of the most audacious plots to subvert
    the criminal justice system. From their prison cells, John Haase and
    Paul Bennett orchestrated the planting of 35 huge caches of firearms
    and drugs across the UK in a successful ruse to secure their early
    release from jail.

    Last week the pair were jailed for a total of 42 years for perverting
    the course of justice. By falsifying evidence on an industrial scale,
    heroin barons Haase, 59, and Bennett, 44, conned two royal pardons out
    of the highest powers in the land.

    The cast of characters they duped reads like a Who's Who of the
    justice system: a former Home Secretary and Conservative party leader,
    a senior High Court judge, operatives of MI5, high-ranking Customs
    investigators and detectives.

    'From inside they were able to arrange the transport, finance,
    contacts and firearms over a long period of time and at great cost. It
    was incredible,' said Scotland Yard Detective Superintendent Graham
    McNulty. 'It corrupted the criminal justice system and Home Secretary
    because the facts were not known to them.'

    McNulty led Operation Ainstable, the two-year investigation that
    unearthed Haase and Bennett's elaborate scam. Yet the case's
    ramifications might be far from over. The verdicts at Southwark Crown
    Court last Wednesday could alter how organised crime is investigated
    in the future. A debate in Parliament this week is expected to focus
    on flaws exposed in the 'supergrass' system by the case, along with a
    number of potential miscarriages of justice.

    Both former Tory leader Michael Howard and his successor, David
    Cameron, may shudder with embarrassment. Haase and Bennett duped
    Howard, when he was Home Secretary under Prime Minister John Major,
    into slashing 17 years off their 18-year prison sentences after they
    were caught with a huge stash of high-purity heroin. Around that time
    Cameron was a special adviser to Howard on Home Office policy.

    One of Howard's flagship policies was 'prison works' and its pledge to
    lock up dealers with no prospect of early release. Yet the ingenuity
    of Haase and Bennett would convince the Home Secretary that the
    correct course of action was to allow two of Britain's most feared and
    prolific criminals back into society.

    The story behind last week's trial begins 16 years ago, when former
    armed robber Haase joined forces with the Turkish Connection, a
    pan-European drugs cartel, to smuggle heroin into the UK using 200kg
    packages, a size previously unseen in Britain. Despite advances from
    London gangsters, the Turkish Connection elected to work exclusively
    with Liverpudlian Haase who, in the words of senior member Suleyman
    Ergun, was a 'real-life Scarface'. 'Haase was fearless and armed to
    the teeth. Unlike other big gangsters he was hands-on, not afraid to
    go to Paris himself to pick up UKP 1m worth of gear in person,' Ergun
    said.

    Haase's approach would prove so fruitful that the price of heroin in
    the UK during the early Nineties plunged overnight from UKP 24,000 to
    UKP 20,000 a kilo. Soon his supply lines fed most of Britain, but the
    sheer size of his operation meant Haase was vulnerable. In 1993 he and
    Bennett were arrested in connection with Class A drugs worth more than
    UKP 13m.

    A Customs spokesman said their subsequent convictions were a 'turning
    point in the fight against the big players'. He expected Haase to be
    inside for 18 years, but Haase was not worried. During an earlier
    spell in prison he had met 'Mad' Frankie Fraser, who explained how
    London villains planted their own guns and then 'grassed', pretending
    they were someone else's. In return for such valued intelligence, the
    'supergrass' was granted early release.

    Haase decided to pull the same stunt, but on an unprecedented scale.
    Mobile phones concealed within the pram of his baby girl were smuggled
    into prison by his wife Debbie. Haase ensured the handsets remained
    hidden by 'bottling them', concealing them in his anus.

    Despite being incarcerated in a high-security cell, between October
    1993 and January 1995, Haase used a war chest of UKP 1,150,000 to
    acquire a huge arsenal of high-calibre weapons and hired 'planters' to
    carry out his plan. It was logistically complex, but he was meticulous.

    Weaponry was ordered from two armourers. More than 150 illegal weapons
    and 1,500 rounds of ammunition, including bullets and grenades, AK-47s
    and fake Semtex were planted by Haase and Bennett in 35 UK locations.

    Once in place, Haase approached an informant handler - Customs officer
    Paul Cook - and offered information on where the weapons were stashed.
    The authorities listened.

    With hindsight, police last week admitted Haase's information was too
    good to be true. McNulty described how stashes of guns were left
    unattended in cars bought weeks earlier, with no attempt at haggling,
    or otherwise left in unlocked, deserted houses.

    In addition, details supplied by Haase were unusually precise. On one
    occasion he practically gave police a treasure map to find weaponry
    buried at a Merseyside squirrel sanctuary in Formby.

    'It was literally 10 yards west, five east, and so on,' said
    McNulty.

    At one stash in a Toxteth flat, police found four machine-guns, a
    Smith and Wesson revolver, a Sten gun, silencers and ammunition.
    Another, in a van outside a McDonald's restaurant, contained 80 new
    shotguns.

    Cunningly, Haase played on fears of an IRA attack following the 1993
    Bishopsgate bomb at the height of the troubles. At one cache, police
    found details of a British army recruiting office as a potential target.

    In another, Haase persuaded his wife Debbie, 35, and her best friend,
    Sharon Knowles, 36, to create a fake IRA gun haul inside a car parked
    near the Holyhead-to-Dublin ferry terminal in Anglesey, north Wales.
    Irish newspapers and cigarette stubs from Dublin pubs were strewn
    alongside to promote the haul's paramilitary authenticity. Bin bags
    containing thousands of bullets and heavy machine-guns were found at a
    time that coincided with the delicate Northern Ireland peace talks.

    Yet Haase's carefully crafted duplicity would be undone by involving
    the person he most trusted. To prove the extent of the caches, Debbie
    had taken pictures of them using the family camera. When officers from
    Operation Ainstable began investigating the scam in 2005, they found
    15 Polaroid pictures inside Debbie's home. Tests in Germany proved
    that photographs of the secret arms caches had been taken on the same
    camera. Whoever took the smiling portraits knew all about the
    locations of the weapons dumps long before they were found by the
    police. The Met began focusing its inquiries on the women. Another
    breakthrough would soon follow. Debbie's fingerprints were detected on
    the Holyhead bin liners containing large quantities of bullets.
    Furthermore, the ferry booking to Ireland was linked to Sharon.

    Debbie was last week jailed for four years and Sharon for five years.
    Unlike the stony features of Haase and Bennett, both were visibly
    traumatised at the sentence. Yet as officers continue to celebrate the
    outcome of the trial this weekend, many still wonder how the informant
    handler Cook failed to identify the con. Cook even went as far as
    sending a letter to the original trial judge praising Haase and
    Bennett. He wrote: 'It is a very rare occurrence when the authorities
    have such a vein of information on quality criminals. More so, when
    the information can be shown to be genuine and 100 per cent accurate.'

    To protect Haase and Bennett from any reprisals for their roles as
    supergrasses, Judge Lynch sentenced the pair in open court to 18 years
    each at their trial in 1996. But behind the scenes he wrote a letter
    to Howard recommending royal pardons. Now, though, the retired judge
    says that he 'wouldn't have had anything to do with it' if he had
    known the caches were bogus.

    In 1996 Howard granted Haase and Bennett the royal Prerogative of
    Mercy, a rare occurrence.

    MI6 officer Harry Ferguson, who had originally helped Customs nail
    Haase in a fraught surveillance operation, said: 'We were shocked and
    angry. All that hard work down the drain.'

    Yet instead of going into hiding in South America, as they had
    promised after their release, Haase returned to Liverpool believing he
    had become a government-sponsored untouchable. Far from avoiding
    crime, he expanded his empire to include gun-running, extortion,
    protection rackets, kidnapping, hijacking and contract violence.

    The frustrated Merseyside police launched an operation to bring him
    down for a second time. In 1999 Haase was jailed again for drug
    dealing and money-laundering. He attempted to call Howard as a witness
    in his second trial, prompting his barrister, Lord Carlile, now the
    government's independent reviewer of terrorism laws, to resign in
    protest. Haase received 13 years.

    In jail, he remained confident that he could go free again, this time
    by informing on how he had got out earlier. In 2004 he made a signed,
    taped affidavit to Walton MP Peter Kilfoyle that described how he
    planted the phoney guns and claimed that he had given a UKP 400,000
    bribe to Howard and UKP 100,000 to Cook. It said: 'They [the police
    and Customs] can't be that thick, but they are, believe it or not. How
    can I be in prison and know information like that? Because from day
    one I was scheming.'

    In 2005 the affadavit was passed on to police and Operation Ainstable
    was launched. When it came to court, however, Haase denied paying the
    bribes.

    Scotland Yard also revealed last week that it could find no evidence
    of bribes being paid to Howard or Cook, who was also exonerated by an
    internal inquiry. Of greater concern to detectives, however, is that
    Haase's plot might not have been the last of its type. Convicted
    underworld armourer Tony Mitchell, who testified against Haase, said:
    'It's still going on now. The last one I know of was in Christmas
    2007. The police get a result. The villains get off. The public feels
    safe. Everybody is happy.'

    Kilfoyle: MP On Trail of the Truth

    Rumours that John Haase had bribed former Tory Home Secretary Michael
    Howard for a royal
    pardon first emerged from Liverpool's criminal underworld in the mid-1990s.

    Liverpool MP Peter Kilfoyle set out to investigate the claims, finally
    meeting Haase face-to-face in high-security Whitemoor Prison in 2004.
    Haase did not disappoint, offering Kilfoyle potentially explosive
    revelations. The convicted criminal taped and signed an affidavit
    telling the MP how he and Paul Bennett had bribed Howard with UKP
    400,000 and a Customs handler with UKP 100,00 to free them.

    Journalist Graham Johnson later infiltrated Haase's gang and collected
    taped statements that guns had been planted to fool the authorities
    and that the alleged bribes were paid.

    In 2005 Kilfoyle reported his concerns to Her Majesty's Chief
    Inspector of Constabulary, Sir Keith Povey, who in turn contacted
    Scotland Yard. Later that year Operation Ainstable was launched,
    leading to last week's sentencing of Haase and Bennett.

    During the trial, Southwark Crown Court heard how Howard had
    telephoned Kilfoyle and asked him not to speak publicly about Haase
    and Bennett being freed early from jail. The then Home Secretary said
    that lives would be in danger if Kilfoyle went ahead with a television
    interview about the release. Kilfoyle was so surprised he called Jack
    Straw, then shadow home secretary. Police have found no evidence that
    bribes were ever paid by Haase and Bennett to Howard or Customs officials.
    __________________________________________________________________________
    Distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in
    receiving the included information for research and educational purposes.
    ---
    MAP posted-by: Richard Lake


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