4. 2 Temperance movements

In this section, the issues in focus are the structures and goals of the
temperance movements in Sweden and the Netherlands and their impact
on the developments of alcohol policies.
Usually the development of temperance movements is divided into a
first generation that emerged during the first half of the nineteenth
century and a second generation that emerged during the second half of
that century.
The first generation of temperance movements can be characterised
as part of the civilising process in which members of the lower class
tried to adjust to the moral standards of the higher social classes and at
the same time the middle class tried to lift the moral standards of the
lower (van der Stel 1995; Gerritsen 1993). During the first half of the
nineteenth century temperance movements in both countries aimed at
combating alcohol abuse and especially abuse of liquor, not use of
alcohol in itself, and in both countries, temperance movements regarded
the consumption of beer as means to reduce consumption of liquor
(Johansson 1995: 5; van der Stel 1995: 148).
In the second half of the nineteenth century, a new type of
temperance movements emerged. The goal for their actions shifted
from moderate drinking to absolutism and from the individual drinker
to the availability of alcohol in society. These goals required political
action, so the movements adopted a new strategy, namely influencing
politicians. The main targets for demands from the temperance
movements for control of alcohol during the nineteenth century were
the pubs. Pubs were central social meeting points (the others were the
churches) and had a monopoly position in the recreation of the working
classes (Gerritsen 1993: 163). While beer and wine were important
provisions (in the absence of drinkable water), liquor was primarily
consumed for intoxication, which worried those who wanted to raise the
moral standards of the ordinary people. Eventually the movements
became divided into a moderate wing that advocated regulation or
abolition of liquor and a radical wing that advocated prohibition of all
alcoholic beverages.


Sweden

In Sweden, several absolutist movements were founded in the second
half of the nineteenth century. The largest of these, the International
Order of Good Templars (IOGT) was founded in 1879 and would
become the largest temperance movement. Other movements were the
National Temple Order, the Temple Order (both separatist factions
from the IOGT), the Blue Ribbon Association (religious), the White
Ribbon (for women) and Verdandi (socialist). Despite their different
backgrounds they stood united behind the demand for prohibition, and
from 1908 they co-ordinated their actions for prohibition. The
temperance movement reached its peak in numbers (330,000) around
1910, followed by a loss of members, primarily in urbanised areas
(Johansson 1995: 176). In the political arena, prohibition gained strong
support among the Social Democratic Party, the Liberal Party, the free
church movements, especially in rural parts of the country, and the
Farmer's Party.
Besides political action, temperance movements established local
branches throughout the country, organising study circles, libraries,
adult education, sports clubs, magazines, etc. As such the temperance
movements became an important part of social life, especially in the
rural parts, and fulfilled the function of the pubs as social meeting
points (Daun 1989: 219).
During the period 1900­1920, the alcohol issue was intertwined with
the struggle for political rights by the labour movement and liberal
middle class. Together with the temperance movements, they demanded
a "local option" on alcohol prohibition, as adopted in some American
states. By local referendums, citizens would be able to directly vote on
the sale of alcohol and was a form of general municipal suffrage. The
prohibitionists regarded the local option as one step on the road to the
national prohibition of all alcoholic beverages. However, they were
confronted with strong opposition from the alcohol industry and the
labour movement that foresaw unemployment among their members.
After the enactment of general suffrage in 1918 (also for women and
to municipal elections 14 the call for local options declined and
eventually lost its importance for the Social Democratic Party, which
contributed to the rejection of total prohibition by the referendum in
1922 (Johansson 1995). However, despite the fact that this was a
serious blow to the temperance movement they continued their struggle
and would remain an important actor in the alcohol policy arena until
the 1960s.15

Obviously, the temperance movements in Sweden succeeded in
getting and keeping the alcohol issue on the political agenda, even
when the Social Democratic Party lost its interest in the question.


The Netherlands

In the Netherlands, the second generation of temperance movements
followed the lines of pillarisation. Consequently, a liberal movement
was established, a socialist movement, some Protestant movements and
a Catholic movement. Several of these movements became divided due
to controversies about prohibition. The IOGT established its first lodge
in the Netherlands in 1903 but would never become an important
movement in the Netherlands. It did not fit into any pillar, nor could the
organisation attract members among liberals who were against
prohibition.16
In their heydays 1910­1925, temperance movements together had
about 150,000 members (Gerritsen 1993: 162). They adopted their
strategies and means from England and the US. Petitions were filed to
put pressure on politicians and, as in Sweden, teetotaller MPs kept the
alcohol issue on the political agenda. Local option was an important
goal and in 1914, a petition for local option with 670,000 signatories
was presented to the Queen.17
The Dutch temperance movements also tried to unite their forces by
establishing the National Commission against Alcoholism (NCA) in
1909, which became a platform for organisations against alcohol and
alcoholism from all pillars. However, both moderate and absolutists
were included and consequently, the issue of national prohibition was
not on the agenda of the NCA.
After attempts to achieve the possibility for local options had failed,
the struggle for state regulation of alcohol rapidly lost its place on the
political agenda. One reason was the very sharp decline in alcohol use
among the population.18 This was certainly an effect of the fact that
temperance movements were part of the pillars, which was a very
effective mode of informal social control.19 However, temperance was
not a goal in itself but a means to promote the emancipation of the
members of the pillars. Significant for the importance of the temperance
issue was the fact, that despite the sharp separation of pillars, they were
able to co-operate at least at the local level (van der Stel 1995: 155).
The temperance movements did not succeed in getting the Dutch
state to control production, distribution, or consumption of alcohol.
However, they succeeded in establishing informal control of alcohol
(moderate drinking or absolutism) among the members of pillars.

14 In 1909, general suffrage for men to the Lower House was enacted but not to
municipal elections.

15 In 1953, the number of members of absolutist temperance movements was still
substantial (236,800) but the ways to pursue temperance were not as emotional as
before and their activities were more directed towards education and information
(Höjer 1955: 49).

19 Another explanation could be the sharp increase of taxes on alcohol after the First
World War, which was followed by the emergence of a black market. However,
when taxes were lowered in 1929 this did not influence consumption (van der Stel
1995).
16 The Catholics, for example, were prohibited from joining the IOGT. Catholic
alcoholics had to be saved by a catholic temperance organisation (van der Stel
1995: 234).
17 Approximately one quarter of the adult population.
18 Gerritsen (1993) has shown that in spite of different models of control of alcohol
in the US, England, and the Netherlands, about the same decrease of consumption
was achieved in the twenties.

next